A War That May Come Back to Haunt Christians
While the President’s approval numbers continue to plummet, there is one core constituency that remains loyal. Over half of white evangelicals (55%) still approve of the President’s job performance, according to the Pew Research Center. This is especially true with the issue of the Iraq War. Last fall, Foreign Affairs reported that the more frequently one attended religious services, the more likely they were to support the Administration’s policies in Iraq.
There are many reasons for this faith-based disparity. The devout tend to be socially conservative and deeply patriotic, values which naturally predispose them to look favorably on the President’s policies – especially in wartime. Further, many fundamentalists believe that Israel is still “God’s chosen people,” and that America’s fortunes rise and fall with its support of Israel (and opposition to Israel’s enemies, such as Saddam Hussein). And removing a brutal dictator from power appeals to those who think in clearly defined categories of good and evil.
While I could understand the arguments made in favor of intervention in Iraq, and as much as I respect the honorable way our troops are trying to help the Iraqis build a better life, I did not believe that Saddam Hussein was or intended to be a threat to America’s national security, and that going to war in Iraq was a grave mistake. The events of the last three years have only solidified my initial assessment. And yet most of my Christian friends continue to believe the war was a good idea. After all, how can you be against spreading democracy to those who have been oppressed? I appreciate that noble sentiment, but I believe the issue is more complex than that. If the terms are defined as liberty versus despotism, then support for the war seems reasonable. But what if this war is defined differently – as a war between secularism and religion?
The neoconservatives who prompted the President to go to war have little in common with the religious right. In a widely publicized interview in the New York Times summer before last, Bill Kristol demurred: “I will take Bush over Kerry, but Kerry over Buchanan or any of the lesser Buchananites on the right.” The fact that Kristol would prefer the secular playboy to one of the culture war’s most outspoken conservatives speaks volumes about the principles and priorities of the neocons.
Perhaps the most bellicose of the neocons, Ralph Peters, wrote in USA Today that the “global war on terror” was “a fight over the social, economic and cultural roles of women.” According to Peters, it is the freedoms enjoyed by Western women that antagonize Islamic terrorists, and our troops are fighting overseas for women’s rights, “the titanic struggle of our time.” Not only does this analysis ignore the real root of Islamic terrorism (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict), its logical consequence is that we must make war on all other countries that do not afford women the same freedoms as here in America. Woodrow Wilson, meet Gloria Steinem.
Not satisfied to defend a worldwide war for women’s rights, Peters then maligned “our extremists,” pro-lifers. Those who oppose abortion rights in our country are “reactionary forces,” “champions of the small morality of rules,” and participants in a “patriarchal tyranny that would please Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, al-Qaeda's leader in Iraq.” Their “counterparts” are those women in Africa who “demand that young girls undergo genital mutilation just as they did.” Kerry over Buchanan indeed.
At first glance you would suspect that Peters’ antithesis on the political spectrum, Marxist columnist Christopher Hitchens, would be opposed to the neocons’ war. Not so. Hitchens shocked many of his peers on the radical left by supporting the war, yet from the standpoint of his belligerent atheism, his support for the war makes perfect sense. As Hitchens explained to Tim Russert, “Another thing that's very important to me about this war is that it is in effect a war for secularism…I'm for secularism and separation of church and state. Everywhere. I want more of it here, not less, and much more of it there. And it's a perfectly consistent thing.”
Ironically, regular church-goers support a war promoted in part by radicals on the left and right who have only one thing in common - deep-seated resentment of the values and influence of the devout on American public life. Most troubling, how will these radicals wield government power against those they consider the fundamentalist extremists of their own culture? Will they demand that conservative Catholics and evangelicals accept homosexual membership and ordination? Will they insist that these believers reject female submission to male leadership in the home and in the church? Do we have any reason to believe they will show restraint in the lengths to which they will go to coerce others to accept their enlightened tastes?
“Let the reader understand” (Matthew 24:15).
There are many reasons for this faith-based disparity. The devout tend to be socially conservative and deeply patriotic, values which naturally predispose them to look favorably on the President’s policies – especially in wartime. Further, many fundamentalists believe that Israel is still “God’s chosen people,” and that America’s fortunes rise and fall with its support of Israel (and opposition to Israel’s enemies, such as Saddam Hussein). And removing a brutal dictator from power appeals to those who think in clearly defined categories of good and evil.
While I could understand the arguments made in favor of intervention in Iraq, and as much as I respect the honorable way our troops are trying to help the Iraqis build a better life, I did not believe that Saddam Hussein was or intended to be a threat to America’s national security, and that going to war in Iraq was a grave mistake. The events of the last three years have only solidified my initial assessment. And yet most of my Christian friends continue to believe the war was a good idea. After all, how can you be against spreading democracy to those who have been oppressed? I appreciate that noble sentiment, but I believe the issue is more complex than that. If the terms are defined as liberty versus despotism, then support for the war seems reasonable. But what if this war is defined differently – as a war between secularism and religion?
The neoconservatives who prompted the President to go to war have little in common with the religious right. In a widely publicized interview in the New York Times summer before last, Bill Kristol demurred: “I will take Bush over Kerry, but Kerry over Buchanan or any of the lesser Buchananites on the right.” The fact that Kristol would prefer the secular playboy to one of the culture war’s most outspoken conservatives speaks volumes about the principles and priorities of the neocons.
Perhaps the most bellicose of the neocons, Ralph Peters, wrote in USA Today that the “global war on terror” was “a fight over the social, economic and cultural roles of women.” According to Peters, it is the freedoms enjoyed by Western women that antagonize Islamic terrorists, and our troops are fighting overseas for women’s rights, “the titanic struggle of our time.” Not only does this analysis ignore the real root of Islamic terrorism (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict), its logical consequence is that we must make war on all other countries that do not afford women the same freedoms as here in America. Woodrow Wilson, meet Gloria Steinem.
Not satisfied to defend a worldwide war for women’s rights, Peters then maligned “our extremists,” pro-lifers. Those who oppose abortion rights in our country are “reactionary forces,” “champions of the small morality of rules,” and participants in a “patriarchal tyranny that would please Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, al-Qaeda's leader in Iraq.” Their “counterparts” are those women in Africa who “demand that young girls undergo genital mutilation just as they did.” Kerry over Buchanan indeed.
At first glance you would suspect that Peters’ antithesis on the political spectrum, Marxist columnist Christopher Hitchens, would be opposed to the neocons’ war. Not so. Hitchens shocked many of his peers on the radical left by supporting the war, yet from the standpoint of his belligerent atheism, his support for the war makes perfect sense. As Hitchens explained to Tim Russert, “Another thing that's very important to me about this war is that it is in effect a war for secularism…I'm for secularism and separation of church and state. Everywhere. I want more of it here, not less, and much more of it there. And it's a perfectly consistent thing.”
Ironically, regular church-goers support a war promoted in part by radicals on the left and right who have only one thing in common - deep-seated resentment of the values and influence of the devout on American public life. Most troubling, how will these radicals wield government power against those they consider the fundamentalist extremists of their own culture? Will they demand that conservative Catholics and evangelicals accept homosexual membership and ordination? Will they insist that these believers reject female submission to male leadership in the home and in the church? Do we have any reason to believe they will show restraint in the lengths to which they will go to coerce others to accept their enlightened tastes?
“Let the reader understand” (Matthew 24:15).


11 Comments:
Amen! I agree, though for somewhat different reasons (of course). The unquestioning support of the war in Iraq among evangelicals is largely a product of an erroneous, dangerous view of the current spiritual role of Israel and Zionism, simplified views of right and wrong in international politics, and premillenialism. From a political standpoint, a preemptive war would only have been acceptable if there were a vast international consensus on the issue, or if there were an immediate threat (which was never realistic except to Israel itself).
American evangelicals would be wise to spend some time with their counterparts in Europe or the developing world, many of whom see support of America's foreign policy to be about the least Christian thing possible. Of course, maybe all those other Christians are just deluded by their respective media outlets... hah.
Brett- I am in full agreement. I plan to write some stuff here on the very issue you raise, Zionism. Interestingly, the best material on this topic seems to come from British authors, whose political and religious climate are not nearly as influenced by dispensationalism and Zionism as the US is. Thanks for dropping by!
I agree with you on your acessment of the war and this administration in general. The Christians appointed job is not to spread democracy in the world it is to spread the word.
Amen! I am afraid Christians in this country are becoming like Jonah, and can only think in terms of nationalism, rather than evangelism. Thanks for stopping by.
But British politics played such a huge role in the division of the Ottoman Empire and the origins of Zionism that that seems natural to me. I would recommend "A Peace to End All Peace," which is about the way the Western powers- mostly Britain- divided up the Middle East around WWI.
Hi Shane:
John Maddocks here. Michelle forwarded this letter to the editor to me, and I thought you would appreciate it. The URL is:
http://www.recordonline.com/archive/2006/05/07/opinion-7views-05-07.html
Here is the letter:
Flawed people, not Scripture, is the problem
By Daniel P. Whitley
This is in response to Don Badgley's "The fallacy of governing through 'flawless' Scripture" in the March 24 edition of the Times Herald-Record. I agree with Badgley that "George W. Bush uses religion strategically." Unfortunately, religion has become a motivating force for voters, representing an ideology that can be used for purposes that may or may not correspond to its essential core.
Religion is a human construct. Faith is dependence upon God for new life in the Spirit. It is when faith is twisted into religion that we get into trouble.
I am sad that many of my Christian friends are using religion as a reason for supporting the war - particularly sad when I see the war being framed as Muslim vs. Christian. To seek military victory over Islam in the name of Jesus is blatantly wrong.
Badgley wrote of some Christians, "Now let's go kill some Iraqis and, by the way, the rest of you are going to hell." Christians can strongly disagree on political and religious issues - some supporting President Bush and the war in Iraq, and some not - without taking the attitude that Badgley describes.
I was against the war in Iraq from the beginning. We have come to see that the war was based on flawed intelligence at best, and lies at worst. We must now find a way to leave Iraq that won't make matters even worse than they already are, either for the Iraqis or ourselves.
Not only am I against the war in Iraq, but also I am increasingly disturbed about our loss of personal and civic freedoms in the name of national security. Since we have embarked on the war against terrorism, we have opened dangerous doors that, unless we are very careful, can lead to a totalitarian regime here in the United States.
A thread that runs through Badgley's piece is "biblical inerrancy." He mistakenly argues that the doctrine of biblical inerrancy is "modern and profoundly flawed." This doctrine is not modern, but has been held by the church from the beginning. The drift away from this doctrine is what is modern, beginning some time in the late 19th century or early 20th century.
Biblical inerrancy does not mean that our English Bibles are problem-free. While the church holds that the Bible is inerrant in the original manuscripts, none of which we have, we do have enough copies to construct very reliable texts on which to base our translations. The Bible is trustworthy in its entirety and is the church's final written authority.
Christians are called to share the Gospel, live by the teachings of Jesus and treat others with respect and love, even when opposing them, either in the political arena or on the battlefield. We are grounded in the Bible and led by the Spirit of Christ. I remember on the evening of Sept. 11, 2001, calling for our church to love Osama bin Laden, because Jesus clearly taught love for one's enemies.
Whether he knows it or not, Badgley's greatest allies, and those of our country, will be people who live by the Word of God, follow the Holy Spirit and proclaim the good news of Jesus Christ. We are called to a far more radical agenda than either the radical right or the knee-jerk left could ever imagine. We are called to radical discipleship, costly discipleship - nothing less than absolute trust in Jesus Christ.
Daniel P. Whitley is pastor of the Clintondale Friends Christian Church.
Hi John-
Thanks- and thank your lovely wife as well!
This is a troubling statistic, but one I am not surprised to see. 55% of Christians continue to support this war not just because of the reasons, mentioned, however, but because a majority of conservative Christians have inherited, often uncritically, the Christianity of the post-Constantine era.
The pre-Constantinian Church (and more so the earlier one goes) was decidedly in favor of nonviolent resolutions to conflict. Even the "just war theory" developed over time, especially by Augustine and Aquinas, demanded a desperate effort at peaceful resolution.
Christians today seem to have little problem with killing one's enemies. Take the essay by Daniel Whitley someone posted: Whitley says that Christians must "treat their enemies with love and respect" even when "opposing them on the battlefield or political arena." How does one treat an Iraqi man (husband, father, misguided and poor) with love and respect while shooting his brains out with an M16? How might Jesus have explained his love and respect for a Roman soldier he had just stabbed to death with a sword? This proposition by Whitley is somewhat laughable.
I guess I am somewhat bothered, not only by the fact that 55% of Jesus' alleged followers are so supportive of a war that never came close to meeting "just war" criteria, but also by the fact that those who do not support this war often oppose it primarily because we had "faulty intelligence."
Evangelical Christians should be among the first to oppose war to all lengths possible simply because Jesus calls us to make peace non-violently and irregardless of political or socioeconomic reasons.
I think Whitley is exactly right in his call to a "radical discipleship" that goes beyond the right or left. But this discipleship ought to follow Christ in opposing the killing of our enemies on the proper grounds.
Hi Kevin-
In my own religious fellowship, there was a strong history of pacifism until WWII. And it is interesting to me how many Christians I am around make all kinds of Sadam-Hitler comparisons. I think these are logically flawed for many reasons, but it is remarkable to me how WWII impacted pacifism among Christians.
I accept the notion of "just war," but as you said there is no way the Iraq War can be justified by the standard criteria, in my opinion.
"I have been following some interesting posts over at the “Faith and Thought” blog..."
At the Balticsojourn
Just wondering what the criteria for a just war are.
Thanks
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